RECOMMENDATIONS FOR PAKISTAN:
Vigorously investigate and prosecute, respecting due process, suspected trafficking offenders and officials
complicit in trafficking; pass an anti-trafficking law that prohibits and penalizes all forms of human trafficking,
including internal trafficking; in partnership with civil society groups, work to identify trafficking victims
among vulnerable populations, including street children, people in prostitution, and laborers in brick kilns and
agriculture; ensure
victims are not penalized for acts committed as a result of being subjected to trafficking; issue policies and
provide trainings to government officials that clearly distinguish between human trafficking and human smuggling;
strengthen the capacity of provincial governments to address human trafficking, including bonded labor, through
training, raising awareness, providing funding, and encouraging the adoption of provincial-level anti-trafficking
action plans; improve efforts to collect, analyze, and accurately report anti-trafficking data, distinct from data
on smuggling; and accede to the 2000 UN TIP Protocol.
PROSECUTION
The government maintained minimal law enforcement efforts against trafficking.The government does not prohibit and
penalize all forms of trafficking. Several sections of the penal code criminalize some forms of human trafficking,
such as slavery, selling a child for prostitution, and unlawful compulsory labor, prescribing punishments for these
offenses that range from fines to life imprisonment.Transnational trafficking offenses, as well as some
non-trafficking crimes—such as people smuggling and fraudulent adoption—are prohibited through the Prevention and
Control of Human Trafficking Ordinance (PACHTO), which prescribes penalties of seven to 14 years’ imprisonment.
Prescribed penalties for the penal code and PACHTO offenses are sufficiently stringent and commensurate with those
prescribed for other serious crimes, such as rape.The Bonded Labor System (Abolition) Act (BLSA) prohibits bonded
labor, with prescribed penalties ranging from two to five years’ imprisonment, a fine, or both. Experts noted fines
and other penalties for bonded labor offenses are generally insufficient to deter unscrupulous employers, including
wealthy landowners. Under a devolution process begun in 2010, federal laws apply to provinces until corresponding
provincial laws are enacted; as of the reporting period, only Punjab has adopted such a law, prohibiting bonded
labor. The anti-trafficking bill, drafted in 2013 to address the gaps in PACHTO, remained pending in
ministerial committees.
The government reported data on investigations, prosecutions, and convictions under the penal code; however, it is
unclear how many trafficking cases or traffickers were prosecuted during the reporting period, as the government’s
data reported how many prosecutions were brought under each provision of the penal code and a case brought under
several provisions would, therefore, be counted multiple times. Furthermore, law enforcement officials continued to
conflate human trafficking and migrant smuggling and may report statistics conflating the two crimes.The government
reported 70 investigations and 50 prosecutions under PACHTO in 2014, compared with 138 investigations and
prosecutions in 2013.The government reported 17 convictions under PACHTO during the reporting period; sentences
ranged from 5,000 Pakistani rupees (PKR), (approximately $50), to 30,000 PKR ($300). Officials have not yet secured
any convictions under the 1992 BLSA; an international organization confirmed land owners exploited bonded laborers
with impunity. International organizations conducted capacity-building workshops and victim assistance trainings at
law enforcement academies and police stations; the government provided in-kind contributions towards the trainings.
The Interagency Task Force held quarterly meetings to increase information sharing among Pakistan’s various law
enforcement groups in an effort to improve the tracking of migrant smugglers, including human
traffickers.
Official complicity in trafficking remained a significant problem.
Some feudal landlords and brick kiln owners were affiliated with political parties or held official positions and
used their influence to protect their involvement in bonded labor. In January 2015, the Supreme Court heard the
petition of a criminal case filed in 1996 against two landowners, including a former Member of the Provincial
Assembly, who reportedly used thousands of forced agricultural laborers in Digri and Sanghar, Sindh.The labor group
responsible for the original court petition claimed landowners used their influence in the Provincial Assembly to
intimidate bonded laborers and their supporters; the case remains ongoing. In February 2014, the FIA published a
report on the most notorious human traffickers in the country, which included names of several politicians; the
report’s utility was limited due to its conflation of smuggling and trafficking, although it did document 141 human
“trafficking” networks operating inside Pakistan and provided details about the complicity of immigration officials
at airports in Karachi, Lahore, and Islamabad. Other reports indicate police accepted bribes to ignore prostitution
in general, some of which may have included sex trafficking. Police reportedly acted against trafficking when
pressured by media and activists; there were cases when officers were indifferent to practices that included or
contributed to trafficking, such as the forced marriage of girls to settle disputes, commercial sexual exploitation
of boys, and widespread debt bondage in the agricultural and brick kiln industries.
PROTECTION
The government made minimal efforts to protect and assist victims. The FIA and police began to use standard
operating procedures for the identification of trafficking victims and their subsequent referral to protective
services; however, it is unclear how widely the procedures were disseminated and practiced. An international
organization reported the district vigilance committees set up under the BLSA “had not performed their functions of
identifying” bonded laborers. Police were reluctant to assist NGOs in rescue attempts, often tipping off landowners
and punishing victims for unlawful acts committed as a direct result of being subjected to human trafficking. Sex
trafficking victims were charged with moral crimes such as adultery and, in some cases, returned to their
traffickers. Undocumented foreign nationals and Pakistanis returning from abroad who had crossed the border
illegally were detained and charged for immigration violations without screening to determine whether they had been
subjected to human trafficking.
Civil society continued to provide most victim services. Under the government’s devolution process, which started
in 2010, social service delivery and related governmental functions were devolved from the central government to
provincial jurisdictions, which often did not have the financial resources and technical capacity to carry them
out. Government-run “women’s shelters” were available to women in difficult circumstances, including trafficking
victims; NGOs noted that some of these facilities operated under prison-like conditions. Observers advised there
were only a few shelters designated for trafficking victims, which were ill-equipped to deal with victims’ social,
economic, and psychological needs. Shelters were available to bonded laborers; however, they generally catered only
to women and children, offering little support to men. Bonded laborers who were rescued but lacked identification
documents were unable to access government services, including healthcare and food stipends, and sometimes returned
to brick kilns or farms and assumed more debt.The government reported it provided protection to victims to
encourage their cooperation in investigations; however, it is unclear how often protection was
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